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Labor  and  the 
League  of  Nations 


By 

SCOTT  NEARING 


With  the  Full  Text  of  the  Revised 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 


The  Rand  School  of  Social  Science 
New    York 


American  Labor  Year  Book 

1919 

A  volume  of  384  pages  of  written  and  tabular 
matter  indispensable  to  every  student  of  the  Social- 
ist and  Labor  movements. 

Edited  by 

ALEXANDER  TRACHTENBERG 

Director,  Department  of  Labor  Research 
Rand  School  of  Social  Science 

A  comprehensive  survey  of  the  progress  of  the 
Socialist  and  Labor  movements  in  the  United  States 
and  abroad  and  a  compilation  of  facts  concerning 
political,  social  and  economic  conditions. 

Among  the  contributors  are  the  following : 

Jean  Longuet,  Mme.  G.  Duchene  (France);  Philip  Snow- 
den,  G.  D.  H.  Cole  (Great  Britain);  W.  F.  Ahearn  (Aus- 
tralia) ;  Sen  Katayama,  Scott  Nearing,  Ludwig  Lore,  Prof. 
W.  F.  Ogburn,  Owen  R.  Lovejoy,  Norman  Thomas,  Dr. 
John  B.  Andrews,  Harry  W.  Laidler,  Evans  Clark,  Dr. 
James  P.  Warbasse,  and  others. 

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Labor  and  the 
League  of  Nations 


By 

SCOTT  NEARING 


With  the  Full  Text  of  the  Revised 
Covenant  of  the  League   of  Nations 


*  * 


* — 2 .,  , r-yo  t  .  » 

*     •        » 


•    t 


•  .•»•#;;•;;    *»» »  v  >    ■ 


Compiled  on  tne  first  day  of  the    >Ar  orkers    New  Year 

and  dedicated  to  the  Men  ana  Women  everywhere 

who  are  striving  for  Peace,  Bread,  Enlightenment 

and     Liberty  —  May     1st,     1919 


CONTENTS 

I.  Labor — the  Plain  People. 

II.  What  is  the  League  of  Nations? 

III.  Who  Made  the  '  '  Covenant  V ' 

IV.  An  Organization  of  Capitalist  Empires. 
V.  A  League  of  Robber  Nations. 

VI.  The  League  Will  Not  Prevent  War. 

VII.  Will  the  League  Benefit  Labor? 

VIII.  Only  Labor  Can  Benefit  Labor. 


Copyright 

JRAND  SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  SCIENCE 

7  East  15th  Street 

New  York 

1919 


)   i       »      5  *  ■*      »         ••  •••  « 


LABOR    AND   THE 
LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


LABOR — THE  PLAIN  PEOPLE. 

Those  who  work  have  always  constituted  a  major- 
ity of  the  people  in  any  organized  society.  To-day, 
nine-tenths  of  the  adult  population  is  employed  at 
some  productive  or  useful  occupation. 

Editors  and  public  men  use  the  term  "middle 
class"  as  though  the  members  of  this  class  constituted 
a  majority  or  at  least  a  very  large  minority  of  the 
American  population.  Nothing  could  be  farther  from 
the  truth.  The  middle  class  in  any  modern  nation  is 
but  a  tiny  fraction  of  the  whole. 

The  latest  detailed  figures  published  by  the  United 
States  Commissioner  of  Internal  Kevenue  (1916) 
show  that  while  the  total  population  of  the  United 
States  was  about  102  millions,  less  than  half  a  million 
individuals  paid  income  taxes.  The  minimum  at  that 
time  was  $3,000  for  single  individuals  and  $4,000  for 
persons  with  dependants.  The  total  number  who  de- 
clared incomes  in  excess  of  these  amounts  was  429,401 
or  less  than  one  in  200  of  the  entire  population.  Of 
these,  157,149  declared  incomes  of  less  than  $5,000 
and  only  121,691  declared  incomes  of  $10,000  and 
over.  There  were,  of  course,  a  number  of  farmers 
whose  incomes  "in  kind"  were  not  included  in  the 
returns.  There  were,  doubtless,  individuals  who 
dodged  the  income  tax.  The  figures,  however,  show 
what  a  tiny  minority  of  the  American  people  receive 
incomes  that  could  be  called  "middle  class." 

.     437837 


•   •      •   •    .  • 

:  :•  •  •  * 
•  *   •  •  • 


•  •   ._  •  * » 


The  ££nre^a(r!/ appears  from  a  study  of  the  "Statis- 
tics  of  Occupation"  published  in  connection  with  the 
United  States  Census.  These  figures  show  that  in  an 
ordinary  industrial  city  the  druggists,  undertakers, 
grocers,  butchers,  manufacturers,  corporation  officials, 
superintendents,  managers,  lawyers,  doctors,  school 
teachers,  dentists  and  all  other  members  of  the  pro- 
fessional and  business  classes  do  not  make  up  over 
one-sixth  of  the  total  number  of  gainfully  occupied 
persons.  In  many  cases  they  constitute  less  than 
one-eighth  of  the  total. 

This  one-sixth  or  one-eighth,  which,  as  a  matter 
of  occupation,  might  be  classed  as  "middle  class/ '  is 
not  necessarily  middle  class  when  it  comes  to  income. 
Many  of  the  small  tradesmen  earn  less  than  the  going 
rate  of  day  wages.  Many  lawyers  and  teachers  are 
in  the  same  predicament.  A  fact  which  accounts  for 
the  difference  in  proportion  between  the  middle  class 
as  shown  in  occupational  statistics,  and  the  middle 
class  as  shown  in  income  figures.  Even  when  the  en- 
tire business  and  professional  group  is  lumped  to- 
gether, however,  without  any  reference  to  income,  it 
makes  a  very  small  part  of  the  total  population. 

The  vast  majority  of  people,  who  do  not  make  in- 
come tax  returns;  the  wage  earners  and  clerks  who 
are  not  included  in  the  business  and.  professional 
class ;  the  farm  laborers,  the  tenant  farmers  and  many 
farm  owners  make  up  the  body  of  what  is  sometimes 
called  the  "plain  people/ '  Most  of  these  plain  people 
work  for  their  living  as  wage  earners. 

The  relation  which  has  grown  up  in  modern  indus- 
try between  officials  and  wage-workers  is  startling. 
The  latest  report  of  the  United  States  Census  dealing 
with  the  manufacturing  industries  (1914,  page  427) 
shows  that  the  total  number  of  persons  engaged  in 
manufacturing  was  8,263,153.  Of  this  number  only 
61  in  1,000  were  proprietors  and  officials;  the  clerks 
and  other  subordinate  salaried  employees  made  up  88 
in  each  1,000;  the  wage  earners,  851.  Thus  17/20 
of  those  engaged  in  the  manufacturing  industries  in 


the  United  States  are  wage  earners,  and  19/20  are 
wage  earners  and  clerks. 

The  facts  are  brought  out  even  more  emphatically 
by  an  examination  of  particular  industries.  In  the 
cotton  goods  industry  and  similar  highly  concentrated 
industries,  the  wage  earners  make  up  over  95  per 
cent,  and  the  wage  earners  and  clerks  over  98  per 
cent,  of  the  total  number  of  occupied  persons.  The 
latest  figures  for  the  railroad  industry  are  as  follows : 
General  officers,  5,740 ;  other  officers,  11,153 ;  office 
clerks,  87,106;  total  employees,  1,710,296.  Here  gen- 
eral officers  are  about  3  in  1,000  and  general  and 
minor  officers  10  in  1,000,  or  1  per  cent,  of  the  whole. 
Wage  earners  and  clerks  make  up  the  other  99  per 
cent. 

The  census  figures  show  12,659,000  persons  occupied 
in  agricultural  pursuits.  Of  this  number  over  half 
are  hired  laborers.  Of  the  remainder  the  vast  major- 
ity are  working  farmers. 

The  United  States  is  made  up  of  people  who  work 
as  wage  earners  or  farmers.  The  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  the  population  falls  into  this  class.  The 
plain  people  of  the  United  States  are  the  working 
people.  Any  matter,  therefore,  of  national  or  inter- 
national importance  must,  in  the  final  analysis,  rest 
back  upon  this  question, — Will  it  benefit  labor? 

The  League  of  Nations  has  been  suggested  as  a 
remedy,  for  the  critical  situation  in  which  the  world 
finds  itself  to-day.  Every  thinking  person,  inter- 
ested in  the  greatest  good  for  the  greatest  number, 
must  ask, — Will  the  League  of  Nations  benefit  labor? 

II 

WHAT   IS    THE   LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS? 

The  League  of  Nations,  according  to  the  "Cove- 
nant" published  on  April  28,  1919,  and  adopted 
unanimously  by  the  Peace  Conference,  is  an  organi- 
zation of  32  nations,  in  which  13  other  nations  are 
invited  to  membership. 

5 


The  organization  of  the  League  is  simple.  There 
is,  first  of  all,  an  Assembly,  consisting  of  not  more 
than  3  delegates  from  each  nation  which  is  a  member 
of  the  League.  This  would  mean,  at  the  present  time, 
an  Assembly  of  96  delegates.  The  Constitution  states 
that  the  "Assembly  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with 
any  matter  within  the  sphere  of  action  of  the  League 
or  affecting  the  peace  of  the  world.' '  (Art.  III.) 
The  Covenant,  however,  gives  no  real  power  to  the 
Assembly,  which  is  merely  a  ' 'paper' '  legislature. 

The  real  power  in  the  League  of  Nations  is  vested 
in  an  Executive  Council  of  9  members.  "The  Coun- 
cil shall  consist  of  representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  of  the  British  Empire,  of  France, 
of  Italy  and  of  Japan,  together  with  representatives 
of  4  other  members  of  the  League."  (Art.  IV.) 
These  4  members  are  to  be  selected  by  the  Assembly. 
"With  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  Assembly, 
the  Council  may  name  additional  members  of  the 
League  whose  representatives  shall  always  be  mem- 
bers of  the  Council."  (Art.  IV.)  The  Council  is 
required  to  meet  at  least  once  a  year.  At  these  meet- 
ings it  may  deal  "with  any  matter  within  the  sphere 
of  action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of  the 
world."  (Art.  IV.)  These  are  the  same  words  which 
are  used  in  Article  III  with  reference  to  the  Assembly. 

The  Council  is  empowered  to  elect  the  Secretary- 
General  with  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  As- 
sembly. 

This  is  the  basic  machinery  of  the  League.  An  As- 
sembly of,  say  100  members  without  important 
powers;  an  Executive  Council  of  9  members,  5  of 
whom  must  always  come  from  the  "Big  Five"  Allied 
nations,  and  a  Secretary-General  elected  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive Council.  All  real  power  is  vested  in  the 
Executive  Council. 

The  League  Constitution  (Art.  V)  makes  it  virtu- 
ally impossible  for  even  the  Executive  Council  to 
take  any  important  step  without  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  all  important  members  of  the  League.     "De- 

6 


eisions  at  any  meeting  of  the  Assembly  or  of  the 
Council  shall  require  the  agreement  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  League  represented  at  the  meeting. ' '  Un- 
der this  provision  any  one  nation  with  a  representa- 
tive on  the  Executive  Council  could  block  every  vital 
League  activity. 

The  Constitution  contains  three  main  provisions  and 
several  minor  ones.  The  three  chief  provisions  are 
concerned  with  armaments,  war  and  colonies. 

The  article  dealing  with  armaments  (Art.  VIII) 
begins  with  a  statement  that  "the  maintenance  of  a 
peace  requires  the  reduction  of  national  armaments 
to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with  the  national 
safety."  Therefore,  "the  Council  .  .  .  shall  formu- 
late plans  for  such  reduction  for  the  consideration 
and  action  of  the  several  Governments."  In  other 
words,  any  provision  regarding  armament  reduction 
must  be  ratified  by  the  nations  in  question  before 
they  become  effective.  In  case  a  new  member  desires 
to  enter  the  League  it  "shall  accept  such  regulations 
as  may  be  prescribed  by  the  League  in  regard  to  its 
military  and  naval  forces  and  armaments."  (Art.  I.) 

The  initiators  of  the  League  reserve  to  themselves 
the  right  to  retain  their  own  armaments  and  at  the 
same  time  the  League  as  a  body  is  in  a  position  to 
limit  the  armaments  of  any  new  members  admitted. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  neither  Germany,  Austria,  Hungary,  the  Ukraine, 
Mexico,  Finland,  nor  Russia  is  on  the  list  of 
states  which  are  to  be  invited  to  accept  the  Covenant 
in  its  present  form.  These  states,  when  applying 
for  membership  in  the  League,  would  have  their 
armaments  limited  at  the  discretion  of  the  League 
and  without  any  necessary  relation  to  the  armaments 
of  League  members. 

The  League  Covenant  is  concerned  chiefly  with  war. 
Its  preamble  opens  with  the  words,  ' '  In  order  to  pro- 
mote international  co-operation  and  to  achieve  inter- 
national peace  and  security."  Sections  XI  to  XVII 
deal  exclusively  with  the  problem  of  war.     Section 


XI  begins  as  follows:  "Any  war  or  threat  of  war, 
whether  immediately  affecting  any  of  the  members 
of  the  League  or  not,  is  hereby  declared  a  matter  of 
concern  to  the  whole  League,  and  the  League  shall 
take  any  action  that  may  be  deemed  wise  and  effectual 
to  safeguard  the  peace  of  nations."  "The  members 
of  the  League  agree  (Article  XII)  that  if  there  should 
arise  between  them  any  dispute  likely  to  lead  to  a 
rupture  they  will  submit  the  matter  either  to  arbitra- 
tion or  an  inquiry  by  the  Council."  There  is  a  fur- 
ther provision  in  Article  XIII  that  in  case  of  a  dis- 
pute between  members  of  the  League  "which  they 
recognize  to  be  suitable  for  submission  to  arbitration 
and  which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  settled  by  diplo- 
macy, they  will  submit  the  whole  subject  matter  to 
arbitration. ' ' 

The  next  article  (XIV)  provides  for  a  permanent 
court  of  international  justice.  This  court  "shall  be 
competent  to  hear  and  determine  any  dispute  of  an 
international  character  which  the  parties  thereto  sub- 
mit to  it.  The  court  may  also  give  an  advisory  opin- 
ion upon  any  dispute  or  question  referred  to  it  by 
the  Council  or  by  the  Assembly." 

Should  any  nation  violate  its  pledges  with  regard 
to  war,  under  Article  XVI  it  will  be  deemed  "to  have 
committed  an  act  of  war  against  all  other  members 
of  the  League. ' ?  Thereupon  the  other  members  agree 
to  subject  the  offending  nation  to  an  economic,  com- 
mercial and  financial  boycott,  and  "the  Council  in 
such  case  to  recommend  to  the  several  governments 
concerned  what  effective  military  or  naval  forces  the 
members  of  the  League  shall  severally  contribute"  to 
the  armaments  needed  by  the  League. 

All  of  the  "war"  provisions  of  the  Covenant  deal 
rather  with  the  regulation  than  the  prevention  of  war. 

Nowhere  among  these  vitally  important  sections  is 
there  any  provision  that  will  give  the  League  effective 
power.  The  League  has  no  army.  The  League  has 
no  navy.  The  League  is  without  a  treasury.  Nations 
are  to   submit  to   arbitration   questions  which  they 

8 


recognize  as  suitable.  The  international  court  has 
power  in  all  disputes  which  the  parties  submit  to  it. 
The  League  Council  is  to  enforce  decisions  by  recom- 
mending that  nations  provide  certain  military  and 
naval  forces.  The  organization  lacks  backbone,  vital- 
ity, unity  and  executive  authority. 

The  third  important  provision  of  the  Covenant  re- 
lates to  colonies  and  dependencies.  During  the  war 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  talk  of  self-determination. 
In  the  League  Covenant  the  word  is  neither  men- 
tioned nor  hinted  at.  Each  of  the  Allied  nations 
keeps  its  own  colonies  and  dependencies  without  let 
or  hindrance.  With  respect  to  enemy  possessions, 
however,  Article  XXII  provides  that  their  well-being 
and  development  shall  "form  a  sacred  trust  of  civili- 
zation''  and  that  the  tutelage  of  such  people  shall  be 
entrusted  to  advanced  nations  which  ' '  can  best  under- 
take this  responsibility,  and  who  are  willing  to  ac- 
cept it."  In  certain  cases,  however,  where  the  pos- 
session in  question  "can  be  best  administered  under 
the  laws  of  the  mandatory  as  integral  portions  of  its 
territory,"  the  mandatory  nation  is  permitted  to  ab- 
sorb the  mandatee. 

Like  cargoes  of  silk  and  spices,  like  so  much  brick 
and  mortar,  like  chattels  in  the  world's  markets,  the 
tens  of  millions  of  people  inhabiting  the  German 
colonies  and  the  Turkish  possessions  are  thus  dis- 
tributed among  the  Allied  nations  without  being  per- 
mitted a  word  in  the  decision  of  their  own  fate. 

"Open  Covenants  of  peace  openly  arrived  at"  was 
included  by  President  Wilson  in  the  first  of  his  14 
points.  Article  XVIII,  dealing  with  treaties,  pro- 
vides that  "every  convention  or  international  engage- 
ment entered  into  henceforward  by  any  member  of 
the  League  shall  be  forthwith  registered  with  the 
Secretariat,  and  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  be  pub- 
lished by  it."  Treaties  are  to  be  made,  registered 
and  then  "opened"  to  the  world. 

The  Covenant  contains  two  obscure  references  to 
labor.     Article  XXIII  states  that  "the  members  of 


the  League  will  endeavor  to  secure  and  maintain  fair 
and  humane  conditions  of  labor  for  men,  women  and 
children,  both  in  their  own  countries  and  in  all  coun- 
tries to  which  their  commercial  and  industrial  rela- 
tions extend/ '  Later,  in  the  same  article,  there  oc- 
curs this  extraordinary  language,  "the  members  of 
the  League  will  entrust  the  League  with  the  general 
supervision  over  the  execution  of  agreements  with  re- 
gard to  the  traffic  in  women  and  children,  and  the 
traffic  in  opium  and  other  dangerous  drugs.' '  There 
is  no  indication  as  to  what ' '  traffic  in  women  and  chil- 
dren' '  is  contemplated. 

The  League  Covenant  is  practically  unamendable. 
Section  XXVI  provides  that  amendments  are  to  take 
effect  "when  ratified  by  the  members  of  the  League 
whose  representatives  compose  the  Council  and  by  a 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  League  whose  repre- 
sentatives compose  the  Assembly."  This  means  ap- 
proval by  the  Governments  of  the  "Big  Five,"  of  the 
four  other  nations  represented  in  the  Council  and  of 
enough  additional  nations  to  give  a  majority  in  the 
Assembly. 

The  League  of  Nations  as  proposed  in  this  Cove- 
nant consists  of  a  political  arrangement  between  the 
Allied  and  certain  neutral  nations.  The  document 
contains  no  important  economic  provisions.  The  ma- 
chinery is  intensely  undemocratic.  Under  the  Cove- 
nant as  drawn,  every  member  of  the  Assembly  and 
of  the  Executive  Council  may  be  appointed  by  the 
Premiers  of  the  nations  involved.  Not  only  is  there 
no  provision  for  the  general  election  of  delegates,  but 
there  is  no  provision  for  recall  or  for  the  responsibil- 
ity of  the  delegates  to  the  people  of  their  respective 
countries.  Furthermore,  the  five  nations  with  the 
big  armies  and  the  big  navies  always  select  five  out 
of  nine  members  of  the  Council  and  thus  may  always 
direct  the  affairs  of  the  League.  In  addition,  any  one 
nation  by  veto  may  hold  up  any  single  important 
League  decision. 

The  organization  of  the  League  is  undemocratic. 

10 


Its  machinery  is  impotent.  The  Council  is  vested  with 
authority  but  it  has  no  real  power.  The  League  is 
little  more  than  a  voluntary  association  of  Govern- 
ments— a  treaty  more  general  than  those  which  have 
proved  so  ineffective  in  the  past. 

Ill 

WHO  MADE  THE  ' ■  COVENANT ' '  f 

So  much  for  the  text  of  the  League  Covenant. 

Who  wrote  it  ? 

The  League  Covenant  was  originally  written  behind 
closed  doors  by  a  commission  of  the  Peace  Conference. 
It  was  amended  in  the  same  manner.  Eventually,  it 
was  adopted  without  alteration  or  amendment  by  the 
entire  Conference. 

The  Peace  Conference  is  an  extraordinary  gather- 
ing,— one  of  the  most  extraordinary  in  the  history  of 
international  negotiations.  Five  nations  have  organ- 
ized and  dominated  the  entire  Conference.  These  na- 
tions are:  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  Japan  and 
the  United  States.  The  decision  of  the  "Big  Five" 
to  run  the  entire  conference  was  announced  on  Janu- 
ary 20th,  1919,  when  the  rules  of  the  conference  were 
published.     Eule  1  read  as  follows : 

"The  belligerent  powers  with  general  in- 
terests— the  United  States  of  America,  the 
British  Empire,  France,  Italy  and  Japan — 
shall  take  part  in  all  meetings  and  commis- 
sions. The  belligerent  powers  with  particu- 
lar interests — Belgium,  Brazil,  the  British 
Dominions  .  .  .  shall  take  part  in  the  sit- 
tings at  which  questions  concerning  them  are 
discussed." 

What  was  the  meaning  of  the  phrases,  "general 
interests"  when  applied  to  the  "Big  Five,"  and 
" particular  interests,"  when  applied  to  Belgium, 
Brazil,  the  British  Dominions,  etc.?  The  answer  is 
plain.    The  five  nations  with  the  big  armies  and  the 

11 


big  navies  had  "general  interests/ '  and  the  other 
nations,  irrespective  of  their  relation  to  the  war,  had 
"special  interests.' '  Belgium  has  suffered  irretriev- 
ably ;  Japan  has  suffered  not  at  all,  and  yet  Japan  is 
represented  at  all  of  the  sessions,  and  Belgium  only 
when  she  is  invited. 

Such  was  the  spirit  behind  the  organization  of  the 
Conference.  A  big  army  and  a  big  navy  was  made 
the  price  of  admission  to  the  inner  circle.  The  centre 
of  organized  might  had  shifted  from  Berlin  to  Paris. 

The  delegates  to  the  Conference  were  appointed  by 
their  respective  governments.  Not  one  member  was 
elected  by  the  people  whom  he  purported  to  represent. 
The  Peace  Conference  was  a  conference  of  representa- 
tives chosen  by  governments — not  by  peoples. 

This  fact  is  clearly  reflected  in  the  names  and  posi- 
tions of  the  conferees.  The  war  was  fought  presum- 
ably for  democracy  and  liberty,  yet  three  of  the  ' '  Big 
Five"  are  monarchies  and  only  two  are  republics. 
The  representatives  of  these  monarchies  were  counts, 
dukes  and  barons.  England  sent  Bonar  Law  and 
Balfour;  Italy  sent  Sonnino  and  Orlando;  Japan  sent 
one  marquis,  one  count  and  three  barons. 

The  names  of  the  Peace  conferees  are  not  the  names 
of  the  well-known  champions  of  democracy.  On  the 
contrary,  they  are  the  names  of  the  men  who  have 
been  playing  the  vicious  game  of  back-stairs  European 
diplomacy  for  a  generation.  Among  them  are  the 
same  men  who  signed  arbitration  treaties  and  broke 
them;  who  established  the  Hague  Tribunal,  and  ig- 
nored it,  and  who  finally  drew  up  the  infamous 
' '  secret  treaties, ' f  under  which  they  agreed  for  a  price 
upon  the  conditions  of  war  and  bloodshed. 

France  in  her  secret  understanding  prescribed: — 

1.  "Alsace  and  Lorraine  to  be  returned  to 
France. 

2.  "The  boundaries  will  be  extended  at 
least  to  the  limits  of  the  former  princi- 
pality of  Lorraine  and  will  be  fixed  un- 
der the  direction  of  the  French  Govern- 

12 


merit.  At  the  same  time  strategic  de- 
mands must  be  taken  into  consideration, 
so  as  to  include  within  the  French  terri- 
tory the  whole  of  the  industrial  iron 
basin  of  Lorraine,  and  the  whole  of  the 
industrial  coal  basin  of  the  Valley  of  the 
Saar. ' • 
Alsace  and  Lorraine  are  thus  re-christened  Iron  and 
Coal. 

Italy  made  a  bargain  under  which  the  Allies  agreed 
to  give  her  Trentino  and  the  entire  Southern  Tyrol; 
the  province  of  Dalmatia;  "her  right  to  receive  on 
the  division  of  Turkey  an  equal  share  with  France, 
Great  Britain  and  Russia  in  the  basin  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean,' '  and  a  share  in  the  division  of  Africa.  In 
addition  (Article  XIV),  "England  obligates  herself 
to  assist  Italy  immediately  to  negotiate  on  the  London 
market  on  advantageous  terms  of  a  loan  in  a  sum  not 
less  than  50,000,000  pounds  sterling' ' — whereupon 
Italy  entered  the  war. 

Similar  treaties  were  drawn  up  between  Russia  and 
Japan  with  regard  to  the  partition  of  spheres  of  in- 
fluence in  China. 

The  statesmen,  who  brought  Europe  to  the  verge 
of  chaos,  who  were  the  leaders  in  guiding  civilization 
to  the  precipice,  sat  down  at  Paris  and  drew  up  the 
Covenant  for  the  League  of  Nations.  The  empires 
which  have  been  contending  for  the  world's  mastery, 
the  governments  partially  responsible  for  precipitat- 
ing the  world  war,  are,  many  of  them,  the  powers 
in  the  League  of  Nations. 

IV 

AN  ORGANIZATION  OF   CAPITALIST  EMPIRES 

A  peculiar  method  of  production  prevails  in  the 
modern  world.  A  few  people  own  the  mines,  mills, 
factories,  banks  and  railroads.  The  masses  of  the 
people  depend  for  their  livelihood  upon  the  resources 
and  machines  in  the  hands  of  the  few. 

13 


The  few  who  own  the  machinery  of  production  like- 
wise own  the  product.  The  worker  in  a  steel  mill  does 
not  own  the  rail  that  he  turns  out,  nor  does  the  worker 
in  a  shoe  factory  own  the  leather  which  he  is  fashion- 
ing into  shoes. 

The  surplus  of  production  goes  to  the  owner  of  the 
productive  machinery.  The  worker  receives,  in  the 
form  of  wages,  a  part  of  the  product  which  he  creates. 
The  remainder,  in  the  form  of  interest,  dividends, 
rents  and  profits,  is  paid  to  the  owning  class. 

The  system  under  which  one  class  in  the  commu- 
nity owns  the  capital,  the  product  and  the  surplus, 
while  another  class  works  with  the  capital  to  create 
the  product  and  the  surplus,  is  called  Capitalism. 
It  is  the  system  universally  accepted  in  the  industrial 
life  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  Japan  and  the 
United  States. 

This  system  places  huge  surpluses  in  the  hands  of 
the  few  who  comprise  the  owning  class.  The  last  de- 
tailed report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue 
shows  that  67  individuals  in  the  United  States  were 
in  receipt  of  299  million  dollars  of  annual  income, 
99^  per  cent,  of  which  was  derived  from  interest, 
rents,  dividends  and  profits.  Those  67  people  to- 
gether with  the  30,000  other  millionaires  in  the  United 
States,  find  it  impossible  to  spend  their  income  on 
the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  life.  Therefore,  they 
take  this  surplus,  add  to  it  the  savings  from  banks 
and  insurance  companies  and  invest  it  at  home  or 
abroad — wherever  the  rate  of  return  is  more  satis- 
factory. 

**The  "Big  Five"  all  are  investing  nations.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  war  Japan  had  her  investments  in 
Korea.  Italy  had  her  investments  in  Africa  and  Asia 
Minor.  France  had  her  investments  in  Russia  and 
in  other  undeveloped  countries.  Great  Britain  had 
twenty  billions  of  dollars  invested  abroad  in  1914. 
The  United  States  at  the  present  time,  is  busy  invest- 
ing in  Mexico,  Central  America,  South  America  and 
China. 

14 


Great  capitalist  nations  are  compelled,  whether 
they  will  or  not,  to  invest  surplus,  otherwise  it  piles 
up,  creating  financial  difficulties.  They  invest  the 
surplus  where  it  will  bring  the  largest  return,  which 
usually  means  in  the  development  of  unexploited 
countries. 

The  last  forty  years  have  witnessed  the  growth  of 
capitalist  imperialism — the  foreign  investment  of 
economic  surplus.  Frederick  C.  Howe  has  described 
the  process  ably  in  his  "Why  War?"  The  same  field 
is  well  covered  by  an  English  economist,  J.  A.  Hob- 
son,  in  his  "  Imperialism. ' ? 

Each  of  the  "Big  Five"  nations  is  busy  with  its 
policy  of  financial  imperialism.  Within  each  of  the 
"Big  Five,"  the  wprking  class  has  been  struggling 
for  generations.  In  Japan,  the  labor  movement  has 
been  stamped  out  with  unexampled  bitterness.  In 
the  United  States,  a  vigorous  attempt  is  now  being 
made  to  crush  it.  In  Great  Britain,  France  and  Italy, 
the  labor  movement  has  gained  some  power,  but  no 
visitor  to  any  of  these  countries  in  1913,  could  fail 
to  observe  the  frightful  havoc  that  capitalist  exploita- 
tion had  wrought  among  the  industrial  workers. 

While  the  few  grew  rich,  fattening  on  the  surplus 
of  production,  the  many  toiled  and  slaved  for  starva- 
tion wages.  Their  wives  were  overworked,  and  their 
children  grew  up  stunted  weaklings.  The  British 
Parliament  issued  a  report  in  1905  on  Physical  De- 
terioration, which  set  forth  the  facts  in  horrible  de- 
tail. 

Each  of  the  "Big  Five"  nations  has  witnessed  and 
is  witnessing,  a  tremendous  struggle  between  the 
classes  who  work  with  the  productive  machinery,  and 
the  classes  who  own  the  productive  machinery.  The 
working  class  struggles  for  liberation;  the  owning 
class  struggles  to  maintain  its  supremacy — its  right 
to  say  to  the  workers,  "You  work  and  toil  and  earn 
bread,  and  we  will  eat  it. ' l 

Will  an  organization  dominated  by  the  "Big  Five" 
capitalist  empires  of  the  world  benefit  labor?    Will 

15 


an  organization  of  exploiters  help  the  exploited? 
Will  a  league  of  capitalist  empires  benefit  wage 
slaves ! 


A  LEAGUE  OF  ROBBER  NATIONS 

The  "Big  Five"  control  the  brute  force  of  the 
world.  They  have  all  of  the  important  naval  power; 
they  have  most  of  the  important  military  power,  and 
they  dominate  the  manufacturing  industries  upon 
which  the  success  of  warfare  depends.  The  union  of 
the  "Big  Five"  is  brute  force  enthroned. 

The  record  of  the  "Big  Five"  is  a  record  of  con- 
quest, and  in  too  many  cases  a  record  of  tyranny. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  took  this  country 
from  the  American  Indians,  for  the  most  part  by 
conquest.  From  Mexico,  they  took  the  southwest  by 
conquest.  From  Spain,  they  took  Porto  Bico  and 
the  Philippines  by  conquest,  and  from  Colombia,  by 
the  same  method,  thinly  disguised,  they  took  the 
Panama  Canal  Zone. 

Japan  took  Korea  by  conquest  and  she  holds  it  by 
a  reign  of  military  terror. 

France  and  Italy  took  their  African  colonies  by 
conquest,  and  they  hold  them  with  armies  and  with 
navies. 

Great  Britain  has  laid  her  conquering  hand  on  one 
quarter  of  the  territory  of  the  Earth's  surface.  To- 
day she  holds  Ireland  under  her  domination  with  tens 
of  thousands  of  British  soldiers.  Egypt  is  being  con- 
trolled with  machine  guns.  Forty-five  million  people 
in  the  British  Isles,  are  ruling  over  the  destinies  of 
three  hundred  million  people  in  India,  and  crushing 
out  in  the  most  arbitrary  and  tyrannous  manner, 
every  effort  of  the  Indians  to  liberate  themselves. 
Her  record  in  South  Africa  during  the  Boer  War  is 
no  better  than  the  record  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Philippines,  during  our  conquest  of  those  possessions. 

The  "Big  Five"  have  secured  their  empires  by 
resort  to  force.    All  are  champions  of  the  right  of 

16 


might.  They  rule  their  dependent  peoples  with  battle 
ships  and  artillery.  At  home  they  rule  the  working 
population  with  policemen's  clubs  and  constables' 
batons,  and  where  necessary,  they  use  rifles  and  ma- 
chine guns. 

Five  capitalist  empires  have  set  themselves  the 
task  of  making  peace.  In  order  to  do  so,  they  have 
drawn  up  a  Covenant  which  shall  bind  these  five 
empires  together. 

Why  did  not  the  Peace  Conference  invite  delegates 
from  the  Socialist  countries  of  Europe?  Did  they 
refuse  to  seat  envoys  from  Germany,  Austria  and 
Hungary,  because  they  were  " enemy"  Socialist  gov- 
ernments? On  what  ground,  then,  did  they  exclude 
Kussia,  an  "allied"  Socialist  government? 

Capitalist  empires  refuse  to  deal  with  Socialist  Ke- 
publics  because  they  have  nothing  in  common  with 
them.  A  capitalist  empire  aims  to  maintain  exploita- 
tion and  industrial  slavery.  A  Socialist  Eepublic 
aims  to  emancipate  mankind  from  economic  thraldom. 

The  League  of  Nations  turns  back  the  clock  of 
civilization  to  the  age  of  rule  by  violence.  It  shuts 
out  every  consideration  of  national  and  international 
democracy.  It  threatens  every  revolution  and  every 
effort  of  the  working  classes  to  improve  their  condi- 
tions for  themselves.  The  League  of  Nations  is  the 
last  stand  of  capitalism — the  last  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  the  economic  emancipation  of  labor. 

VI 

THE  LEAGUE  WILL  NOT  PREVENT  WAR 

There  is  another  matter  of  supreme  importance 
that  is  inseparably  connected  with  any  consideration 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  Will  the  League  prevent 
war? 

Plain  people  everywhere  are  asking  that  question. 
Statesmen  have  answered  that  the  League  could  be 
relied  upon  as  an  agency  for  the  promotion  of  peace. 
The  first  words  in  the  League  Covenant  are:     "In 

v 


order  to  promote  international  cooperation  and  to 
.achieve  international  peace  and  security." 

The  world  has  passed  through  five  years  of  anguish ; 
it  faces  a  generation  of  hardship ;  the  f rightfulness  of 
war  never  has  been  more  clearly  demonstrated  than 
during  this  period.  Peoples  never  make  wars;  de- 
spite temporary  outbursts  of  patriotism,  they  soon 
tire  of  the  hardship  that  war  imposes.  In  every 
country  to-day  the  peoples  are  yearning  for  peace. 
In  every  country  they  are  looking  to  the  League  as 
a  means  of  preserving  peace. 

This  is  not  the  first  time  that  people  have  yearned 
for  peace.  The  Napoleonic  wars  ended  the  sixty- 
year  struggle  between  France  and  Great  Britain  for 
the  control  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  world.  Peoples 
in  1815  were  yearning  for  peace  as  ardently  as  they 
yearn  to-day.  A  treaty  was  signed.  A  League  of 
Nations  initiated  by  the  Emperors  of  Austria,  Prussia 
and  Russia  was  organized  on  September  26,  1815,  "to 
protect  Religion,  Peace  and  Justice."  This  "Holy 
Alliance' '  had  the  support  of  millions  then  just  as 
the  League  has  the  support  of  millions  now. 

But  the  Holy  Alliance  did  not  preserve  peace.  Soon 
it  degenerated  into  an  organization  for  fighting  the 
new  political  democracy  that  was  flooding  Europe. 
Since  its  organization  a  century  ago  there  have  been 
a  score  of  first  class  wars  ending  with  the  catastrophe 
of  1914. 

The  plain  people  want  peace.  They  look  eagerly 
to  the  League  as  a  means  for  its  establishment.  Their 
desire,  however,  will  not  bring  them  peace  in  1919 
any  more  than  it  brought  peace  to  their  ancestors  in 
1815.  Behind  the  desire  for  peace  there  must  be  an 
intelligent  understanding  of  the  methods  necessary 
for  the  establishment  of  peace. 

War  has  its  specific  causes,  just  as  typhoid  fever 
has  its  specific  causes.  A  desire  to  prevent  typhoid 
is  futile  unless  it  is  coupled  with  an  intelligent  idea 
of  the  method  to  be  used  in  destroying  the  germ.  A 
desire  to  prevent  war  is  equally  futile  unless  it  is 

18 


coupled  with  an  intelligent  idea  of  the  methods  neces- 
sary for  destroying  the  germs  of  war. 

The  League  Covenant  as  published  in  April,  1919, 
will  not  prevent  war — no  covenant  drawn  by  the 
Paris  Peace  Conference  could  be  expected  to  prevent 
war.  Those  who  rely  on  the  League  of  Nations  as  a 
means  of  preserving  the  peace  of  the  world  are  doomed 
to  the  same  bitter  disappointment  suffered  by  those 
who  expected  the  Holy  Alliance  to  preserve  peace. 

There  are  many  reasons  behind  this  assertion.  The 
most  obvious  one  is  that  peace  cannot  rest  upon 
victory. 

President  Wilson  explained  this  point  very  clearly 
in  his  address  to  the  Senate,  January  22,  1917. 

"The  statesmen  of  both  of  the  groups  of  nations 
now  arrayed  against  one  another  have  said,  in  terms 
that  could  not  be  misinterpreted,  that  it  was  no  part 
of  the  purpose  they  had  in  mind  to  crush  their  an- 
tagonists. But  the  implications  of  these  assurances 
may  not  be  equally  clear  to  all.  .  .  .  They  imply, 
first  of  all,  that  it  must  be  a  peace  without  victory. 
.  .  .  Victory  would  mean  peace  forced  upon  the  loser, 
a  victor 's  terms  imposed  upon  the  vanquished.  It 
would  be  accepted  in  humiliation,  under  duress,  at  an 
intolerable  sacrifice,  and  would  leave  a  sting,  a  re- 
sentment, a  bitter  memory  upon  which  terms  of  peace 
would  rest,  not  permanently,  but  only  as  upon  quick- 
sand. Only  a  peace  between  equals  can  last.  Only 
a  peace  the  very  principle  of  which  is  equality  and  a 
common  participation  in  the  common  benefit. ' ' 

That  is  why  no  peace  can  be  founded  upon  victory. 
Equality  and  a  common  participation  in  common  ben- 
efits is  the  only  possible  basis  for  a  lasting  peace. 

The  hope  of  peace  died  on  November  11,  1918.  The 
signing  of  the  armistice  terms  spelled  victory  for  the 
Allies.  The  declaration  of  victory  was  a  declaration 
of  future  war.  No  Covenant,  no  League  of  Nations, 
no  organization  of  that  system  of  world  empire  which 
triumphed  over  the  Central  Powers  can  be  expected 
to  preserve  world  peace.    Only  a  peace  between  equals 

19 


can  last.  The  Central  Empires  are  humiliated  and 
beaten.  The  triumphant  Allies,  unequal  in  their 
wealth  and  in  their  military  strength,  already  have 
displayed  the  most  brutal  indifference  toward  colo- 
nials, the  inhabitants  of  dependencies,  and  toward  the 
smaller  nations  themselves.  The  "Big  Five"  have 
no  other  method  of  keeping  the  peace  of  the  world 
than  that  attempted  by  Germany  in  1914 — the  ap- 
peal to  organized  might.  This  appeal  is  in  itself  a 
declaration  of  war. 

There  is  a  far  more  important  reason  why  the 
League  cannot  bring  world  peace.  The  causes  of 
modern  war  are  economic.  These  causes  the  League 
Covenant,  as  it  is  drawn,  ignores  utterly. 

Markets,  trade  and  investment  opportunities  are 
the  trinity  in  the  modern  commercial  world.  Each 
nation  seeks  to  advance  itself  in  these  three  direc- 
tions. Each  takes  such  action  as  is  necessary  to  pro- 
tect its  own  investing  citizens  in  their  business  rights. 

The  markets  and  investment  opportunities  of  the 
world  are  limited.  There  is  not  enough  to  satisfy  the 
insatiable  craving  for  wealth  which  capitalism  has 
developed.  Therefore,  in  the  scramble  for  economic 
opportunity  some  nations  will  be  left  hungry.  The 
scramble,  moreover,  provokes  diplomatic  controversy, 
economic  retaliation,  and,  finally,  military  conflict. 

The  part  played  by  these  economic  considerations 
in  causing  modern  wars  is  generally  recognized. 
Professor  Seligman  of  Columbia  University,  in  a 
chapter  entitled  "An  Economic  Interpretation  of  the 
War" — (Problems  of  Readjustment  After  the  War, 
D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1915),  makes  it  very  clear — "if 
I  read  history  aright  the  forces  that  are  chiefly  re- 
sponsible for  the  conflicts  of  political  groups  are  the 
economic  conditions  affecting  the  group  growth." 

Professor  Seligman  then  explains  the  struggle  for 
food,  for  colonies  and  for  trade.  He  continues: 
"After  national  industry  has  been  built  up  through 
a  period  of  protection,  and  after  the  developed  indus- 
trial countries  have  replaced  the  export  of  raw  mate- 

20 


rials  by  the  export  of  manufactured  commodities 
there  comes  a  time  when  the  accumulation  of  indus- 
trial and  commercial  profits  is  such  that  a  more  lu- 
crative use  of  the  surplus  can  be  made  abroad  in  the 
less  developed  countries  than  at  home  with  the  lower 
rates  usually  found  in  an  older  industrial  system. 
In  other  words,  the  emphasis  is  now  transferred  from 
the  export  of  goods  to  the  export  of  capital.' '  The 
conclusion  of  Professor  Seligman's  argument  is  sig- 
nificant: "To  say,  then,  that  either  Great  Britain 
or  Germany  is  responsible  for  the  war  seems  to  in- 
volve a  curiously  shortsighted  view  of  the  situation. 
Both  countries,  nay,  all  the  countries  of  the  world, 
are  subject  to  the  sweep  of  these  mighty  forces  over 
which  they  have  but  slight  control,  and  by  which  they 
are  one  and  all  pushed  on  with  an  inevitable  fatality." 

President  Wilson  has  been  emphatic  in  his  state- 
ment that  the  Berlin-to-Bagdad  Railway  "was  con- 
structed in  order  to  run  the  threat  of  force  down  the 
flank  of  the  industrial  undertakings  of  half-a-dozen 
other  countries.' '     (Buffalo,  November  12,  1917.) 

The  Department  of  Commerce  in  a  bulletin  on 
"German  Trade  and  the  War,"  (No.  65,  1918)  shows 
conclusively  that  it  was  Germany's  desire  for  markets 
and  investment  opportunities  that  brought  on  the 
World  War. 

The  Navy  League  goes  farther.  As  a  representa- 
tive of  many  of  the  Big  Business  activities  of  the 
United  States  it  printed  in  heavy-faced  type  on  page 
32  of  "Sea  Power"  (September,  1916), 

' '  The  Navy  League  believes : 

"That  most  modern  wars  arise  largely  from  com- 
mercial rivalries; 

"That  we  are  now  seizing  the  world's  trade; 

1  *  That  following  the  present  war  will  come  the  most 
drastic  commercial  readjustment  and  the  most  danger- 
ous rivalries  ever  known;  and,  that,  consequently,  it 
is  our  duty  to  guard  ourselves  against  these  dangers 
while  there  is  yet  time." 

21 


This  formula  is  generally  accepted  in  the  business 
world.  The  masters  of  American  industry  are  now 
preparing  for  the  next  great  war. 

The  League  Covenant  dodges  the  economic  issue. 
There  is  no  section  in  the  entire  document  which 
even  faces,  much  less  attempts  to  solve,  the  problem 
of  markets,  trade  and  investments. 

Professor  Edwin  M.  Borchard,  Professor  of  Inter- 
national Law,  Yale  University,  writes  (LaFollette's, 
April,  1919,  p.  65)  :  "True,  more  machinery  is  cre- 
ated; but  it  seems  calculated  merely  to  prevent  the 
operation  of  inevitable  effects  resulting  from  causes  to 
which  very  little  thought  appears  to  have  been  given. 
Tariff  barriers,  trade  and  investment  preferences  and 
monopolies,  racial  discriminations,  the  nationalistic 
control  of  important  trade  routes  and  of  backward 
areas  with  their  raw  materials,  military  and  naval 
rivalry  or  attempted  monopoly,  a  more  intense  eco- 
nomic competition  than  ever  before,  all  these  are  given 
full  sway;  but  we  are  asked  to  place  our  trust  in  a 
document  by  which  the  now  dominant  nations  expect 
to  prevent  the  inevitable  results  of  these  causes,  to 
save  themselves  from  the  consequences  of  their  own 
acts  and  weakness." 

A  widely  known  English  economist,  Professor  J.  A. 
Hobson,  goes  still  farther:  In  a  pamphlet  on  "The 
New  Holy  Alliance,"  he  says,  regarding  the  pro- 
posed plan  for  the  League,  "The  net  result  is,  not  a 
League  of  peoples  devoted  to  peace  and  fruitful  in- 
ternational co-operation,  but  a  conspiracy  of  auto- 
crats designed  to  hold  down  its  enemies  by  superior 
economic  and  military-naval  force,  and  to  exercise  a 
domination  over  the  whole  world;  a  tyranny  only 
qualified  by  the  necessity  of  preserving  the  solidarity 
of  the  great  Powers  by  means  of  a  sufficient  share 
of  the  spoils  of  victory. ' ' 

Most  of  the  conferees  in  Paris  did  not  understand 
economic  questions.  Most  of  them  were  international 
politicians.  Political  machinery  was  their  chief  con- 
cern.    They  failed  to  grasp  the  significance  of  the 

22 


economic  forces  by  which  they  were  surrounded.  The 
League  Covenant  in  its  present  form,  with  a  few 
changes  in  wording,  might  have  been  written  in  1815, 
so  completely  does  it  overlook  the  problems  which 
financial  imperialism  has  'hurled  into  the  arena  of 
modern  economic  life. 

Competition  is  war.    Competition  is  becoming  more       *s 
intense.    War  thus  grows  more  inevitable. 

The  economic  struggle  in  the  modern  world  points 
in  one  direction,  and  in  one  direction  only — toward 
a  stupendous  military  conflict  between  the  present 
victors.  The  capitalist  world  is  rushing  to  another 
great  catastrophe. 

One  thing  and  one  thing  only  will  prevent  the  next 
war — that  is  the  elimination  of  capitalism.  President 
Wilson  made  this  point  after  his  return  from  his  first 
visit  to  the  Peace  Conference.  At  New  York,  (March 
4,  1919)  he  said:  "The  people  see  that  their  Govern- 
ments have  never  been  able  to  defend  them  against 
intrigue  and  aggression  and  that  there  is  no  force  of 
foresight  or  of  prudence  in  any  modern  Cabinet  to 
stop  war."  The  week  previous,  speaking  in  Boston 
(February  24, 1919),  the  President  said,  "The  peoples 
are  in  the  saddle,  and  they  are  going  to  see  to  it  that 
if  present  governments  do  not  do  their  will,  some 
other  government  shall,  and  the  secret  is  out  and  the 
present  governments  know  it. ' ' 

The  peoples  of  Europe  at  last  are  awake  to  the  fact 
that  war  will  not  be  prevented  by  a  League  of  Capi- 
talist Empires.  Many  of  them  see  farther.  They 
realize  that  war  is  an  inevitable  attribute  of  capital- 
ism, which  relies  for  its  philosophy  upon  the  savage 
precept  "Let  him  take  who  has  the  power  and  let 
him  keep  who  can." 

VII 

WILL    THE    LEAGUE    BENEFIT   LABOR? 

Will  the  League  of  Nations  benefit  labor?  The 
workers;  the  nine-tenths;  the  plain  people,  who  fight 

23 


wars,  suffer  poverty  and  sweat  under  oppression — 
will  the  League  of  Nations  answer  their  cry  for  help  ? 

The  plain  people  want  peace,  bread,  enlightenment, 
liberty.  These  things  and  these  alone  are  benefits. 
The  League  of  Nations  will  provide  none  of  them. 

The  five  states  which  dominate  the  League  of  Na- 
tions are  capitalist  empires  in  each  of  which  the  in- 
dustries are  run  for  the  private  profit  of  a  favored 
few. 

Capitalism  cannot  bring  peace  because  it  is  based 
upon  the  principles  of  war.  The  League  of  Nations 
is  a  League  of  Capitalist  Governments ;  not  a  League 
of  Free  Peoples.  Capitalist  governments  in  the  past 
have  waged  war  to  safeguard  dividends,  and  when 
the  time  is  ripe,  they  will  do  it  again. 

Bread,  under  capitalism,  goes,  not  to  those  who 
make  it,  but  to  those  who  can  pay  for  it — the  prop- 
erty owners.  The  worker,  with  his  pittance  wage, 
cannot  buy  back  what  he  produces.  The  property- 
owner,  with  his  ample  income  of  rents,  interest  and 
dividends  lives  upon  the  fat  of  the  land.  Capitalism 
to-day  is  built  on  the  same  barbaric  system  of  ex- 
ploitation that  has  existed  in  England  since  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  that  exists  to- 
day in  Japan,  Italy,  France  and  the  United  States. 
That  system  will  give  the  worker  neither  a  fair  share 
of  bread  nor  any  of  the  other  opportunities  of  life. 
The  system  has  been  tried  out  for  generations,  and 
to  his  sorrow  the  worker  knows  it  for  what  he  gets. 

Even  when,  for  brief  periods  of  prosperity,  the 
workers  build  up  organizations  and  secure  better  con- 
ditions of  life,  hard  times  spell  periodic  disaster. 
When  the  inevitable  readjustment  is  made  from  war 

/prices  to  peace  prices  there  will  be  five,  six  or,  per- 
haps, even  seven  millions  of  men  and  women  on  the 
I  streets  looking  for  work.  What  will  "war  prosper- 
ity' '  amount  to  then?  Of  what  avail  will  be  their 
trade  and  industrial  unions?  An  organization  with- 
out the  ownership  of  the  job  at  such  times  amounts 
to  nothing.     Capitalism  cannot  give  the  workers  mas- 

24 


tery  over  their  own  jobs;  if  it  did  it  would  cease  to 
be  capitalism. 

Will  the  League  of  Nations  spread  enlightenment 
through  the  world?  Look  over  the  capitalist  coun- 
tries, and  ask  whether  enlightenment  is  being  spread 
by  individual  nations.  Are  the  masters  enlightening 
the  workers  of  Japan?  Are  they  spreading  knowl- 
edge in  France?  The  Japanese  labor  agitators  are 
in  jail.  The  French  socialist  papers  still  come  to  the 
United  States  with  great  blotches  of  "censor"  marks 
on  them.  Are  the  masters  spreading  enlightenment 
in  the  United  States?  They  have  blanketed  every 
organized  avenue  of  education  with  ignorance,  and  in- 
dividuals who  try  to  illuminate  this  darkness  with 
the  light  of  truth  get  from  five  to  twenty  years  for 
their  pains.  The  capitalist  nations  united  are  not 
going  to  spread  enlightenment  any  more  than  capital- 
ist nations  individually.  The  League  of  Nations  will 
do  no  more  to  enlighten  the  world  than  Britain  has 
done  to  enlighten  Egypt.  The  capitalist  nations, 
united,  will  practice  exploitation,  oppression  and 
tyranny  just  as  they  have  done  it  individually,  with 
this  one  difference — "In  union  there  is  strength." 

Will  the  League  of  Nations  give  the  people  liberty  ? 
Are  "the  masters  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States"  who  are  "the  combined  capitalists  and  manu- 
facturers of  the  United  States"  going  to  extend  to 
the  other  portions  of  the  earth  the  liberty  of  Everett, 
Ludlow,  Bisbee  and  Lawrence?  The  liberty  of  Bill 
Haywood,  Tom  Mooney,  Kate  O'Hare  and  Eugene 
V.  Debs  ?  Will  Britain  give  more  liberty  to  the  world 
than  she  has  given  to  Ireland  and  India?  Will  Japan 
spread  Korean  liberty  among  the  nations  ? 

Labor  needs  peace,  bread,  enlightenment  and  lib- 
erty. None  of  these  things  will  come  through  the 
League  of  Nations,  therefore,  the  League  of  Nations 
will  not  benefit  labor. 

Furthermore,  there  is  a  fundamental  principle  here 
involved.  Those  who  have  read  American  history 
remember  the  slogan  "taxation  without  representa- 

2S 


tion  is  tyranny.' '  The  working  people  will  be  asked 
to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  this  League  and  to  pay 
for  them,  yet  there  is  not  a  single  representative  of 
labor  at  the  Peace  Conference  and  the  League  Cove- 
nant provides  that  the  Executive  Council  is  to  be  se- 
lected by  the  governments  and  not  by  the  peoples. 

Who  are  these  governments  ?  Let  Woodrow  Wilson 
answer  for  the  United  States, — 

"We  know  that  something  intervenes  between  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  the  control  of  their 
own  affairs  at  Washington.  It  is  not  the  people  who 
have  been  ruling  there  of  late."  "We  have  come  to 
be  one  of  the  worst  ruled,  one  of  the  most  completely 
controlled  and  dominated  governments  in  the  civilized 
world — no  longer  a  government  of  free  opinion,  no 
longer  a  government  by  conviction  and  the  vote  of  the 
majority,  but  a  government  by  the  opinion  and  the 
duress  of  small  groups  of  dominant'  men/ '  "The 
organization  of  business  has  become  more  centralized, 
vastly  more  centralized,  than  the  political  organiza- 
tion of  the  country  itself.' '  "The  incubus  that  lies 
upon  the  country  is  the  present  monopolistic  organiza- 
tion of  our  industrial  life."  "The  masters  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States  are  the  combined 
capitalists  and  manufacturers  of  the  United  States." 
"The  government  of  the  United  States  at  present  is 
a  foster  child  of  the  special  interests."  "An  invisible 
empire  has  been  set  up  above  the  forms  of  democ- 
racy."    (The  New  Freedom.) 

"The  masters  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  are  the  combined  capitalists  and  manufacturers 
of  the  United  States,"  says  Mr.  Wilson.  That  same 
thing  is  true  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  the  other 
four  empires  involved.  Therefore,  the  masters  of  the 
League  of  Nations  inevitably  will  be  the  combined 
capitalists  and  manufacturers  of  the  nations  com- 
posing the  League.  How  can  labor  hope  to  benefit 
where  it  is  not  represented? 

The  League  is  in  the  hands  of  those  who  make  a 
profession  of  exploiting  labor.    They  are  riding  com- 

26 


fortably  now, — these  combined  capitalists  and  manu- 
facturers— on  the  backs  of  the  working  people.  Join- 
ing hands,  through  the  League,  they  will  help  to 
support  one  another  should  ' '  any  little  unpleasantness 
arise, "  and  thus,  united,  they  will  continue  to  ride 
as  long  as  the  workers  continue  to  carry  them. 

The  same  thing  will  happen  to  labor  under  the 
League  of  Nations  that  has  happened  to  labor  in  each 
of  the  nations  composing  the  League, — labor  will  get 
what  it  takes, — no  more  and  no  less. 

Pierre  Birzon,  in  a  recent  issue  of  "La  Vague" 
(April  10,  1919)  paints  this  picture  of  the  issue: 

"The  old  world  is  condemned. 

"It  plunged  the  earth  into  the  bloody  night  of  war 
and  the  long  winters  of  injustice. 

"Never  again  must  we  see  such  horrors. 

1 '  Here  is  the  spring  of  new  republics. 

1 '  Peace  for  us ! 

1 l  Bread  for  us ! 

1  ■  The  earth  for  us ! 

"For  us,  wealth,  art  and  culture,  and  the  joys  that 
are  due  to  labor, — the  embellisher  of  life! 

"It  is  the  spring.     Long  live  the  sun! 

"It  is  the  spring. 

1 '  Down  with  war ! 

"It  is  the  spring  of  the  new  world !" 

VIII 

ONLY  LABOR  CAN  BENEFIT  LABOR 

Only  labor  can  benefit  labor.  Slaves  have  lived,  ere 
this,  in  comfort  and  luxury.  Still  they  were  slaves. 
The  worker  who  values  peace,  bread,  enlightenment 
and  liberty,  dare  not  depend  for  these  necessities  upon 
capitalist  exploiters.  Only  labor  can  emancipate 
labor. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have,  as  their  most 
cherished  tradition,  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
of  monarchical  tyranny,  issued  in  1776 : 

"We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all 
men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by 

27 


their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights;  that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness. That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are 
instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  that  whenever  any  form 
of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it 
is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolish  it,  and  to 
institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundations 
on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such 
form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their 
safety  and  happiness." 

Again  tyranny  has  raised  its  ugly  head  in  the  guise 

of  capitalist  imperialism.     The  day  of  the  people  has 

come.     They  must  write  a  new  Declaration  of  In- 

>.  dependence — independence  of  plutocracy  and  all  of 

its  works.    Until  labor  writes  that  Declaration  of  In- 

<  J      dependence  it  is  helpless. 

The  path  that  leads  to  industrial  self-government, 
almost  unknown  two  years  ago,  to-day  is  blazed  and 
trodden.  To-morrow  this  path  will  be  replaced  by 
a  paved  road. 

Russia  has  set  the  example.  Her  constitution 
(July,  1918)  begins  with  a  bill  of  rights  of  which 
this  is  the  first  paragraph:  "Bearing  in  mind  as  its 
fundamental  problem  the  abolition  of  exploitation  of 
men  by  men,  the  entire  abolition  of  the  division  of 
the  people  into  classes,  the  suppression  of  exploiters 
and  the  establishment  of  a  socialist  society.' '  .  .  . 
Later  in  the  same  section  are  the  words:  "Universal 
obligation  to  work  is  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
eliminating  the  parasitic  strata  of  society  and  or- 
ganizing the  economic  life  of  the  community."  Sec- 
tion 18  reads:  "The  Russian  Soviet  Republic  con- 
siders work  the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  the  Republic, 
and  proclaims  as  its  motto:  'He  shall  not  eat  who 
does  not  work.'  " 

That  is  the  spirit  in  which  the  fundamental  law  of 
the  new  world  will  be  written.  Only  labor  can  benefit 
labor,  and  labor  will  be  the  back-bone  of  the  coming 
civilization. 

28 


While  one  man  can  live,  without  work,  upon  the 
proceeds  of  another's  labor,  an  economic  slavery  pre- 
vails for  which  the  League  of  Nations  affords  no 
remedy. 

The  Eussians  are  striving  to  make  labor  the  basis 
of  society.  Hence  their  constitution  provides :  ' '  The 
right  to  vote  and  to  be  elected  to  the  Soviets  is  en- 
joyed by  the  following  citizens,  irrespective  of  re- 
ligion, nationality,  domicile,  etc.,  of  both  sexes,  who 
shall  have  completed  their  eighteenth  year  by  the 
day  of  election: 

"  (a).  All  who  have  acquired  the  means  of  living 
through  labor  that  is  productive  and  useful  to  society, 
and  also  persons  engaged  in  housekeeping,  which  en- 
ables the  former  to  do  productive  work.  .  .  . 

"(b).  Soldiers  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
Soviets. 

"(c).  Citizens  of  the  two  preceding  categories 
who  have  to  any  degree  lost  their  capacity  to  work." 

Under  the  new  world  order,  the  right  to  vote  and 
to  be  elected  to  office  is  reserved  for  workers — for 
those  who  perform  a  socially  useful  service. 

The  Russians  make  the  negative  proposition  equally 
emphatic,  in  stating  who  may  not  vote: 

"(a).  Persons  who  employ  hired  labor  in  order 
to  obtain  from  it  an  increase  in  profits. 

"(b).  Persons  who  have  an  income  without  doing^ 
any  work,  such  as  interest  from  capital,  receipts  from 
property,  etc. 

"(c).  Private  merchants,  trade  and  commission 
brokers. ' ' 

The  Russian  worker  is  eligible  to  vote  and  to  hold 
office  because  he  is  a  worker. 

The  Russian  profiteer  is  denied  the  right  to  vote 
and  to  hold  office  because  he  is  a  profiteer. 

The  people  of  Russia  have  discovered  and  ex- 
pounded a  new  crime,  the  crime  which  one  member  of 
society  commits  when  he  says  to  a  fellow  member: 
"You  work  and  toil  and  earn  bread  and  I  will  eat  it."' 

29 


The  workers  of  Eussia  have  written  into  their  con- 
stitution many  other  provisions,  such  as  those  by 
which  all  private  property  in  land  is  abolished;  all 
forests,  treasures  of  the  earth,  and  waters  of  general 
public  utility,  all  factories,  mills,  mines,  railways, 
and  all  the  banks  and  other  financial  institutions  are 
transferred  to  the  ownership  of  the  community  with- 
out compensation  to  their  former  owners. 

That  is  the  only  way  in  which  labor  can  benefit 
labor.  Sham  reforms  and  patch-work  measures  are 
a  delusion  and  snare.  The  workers  must  own  the 
works  before  they  can  hope  to  be  free. 

The  forward-looking  workers  in  all  countries  of  the 
world  believe  in  a  League — a  League  of  Socialist 
Nations.  They  favor  such  a  League  because  they  be- 
lieve that  the  time  has  come  in  the  evolution  of  the 
world  when  a  League  of  Nations  is  an  imperative 
necessity.  They  go  far  beyond  the  makers  of  the 
League  Covenant  in  that  they  favor  an  international 
delegate  body,  elected  and  organized  to  direct  world 
affairs.  Workers  believe  in  a  League  of  Nations,  but 
not  in  the  League  of  Nations  as  at  present  constituted, 
because  they  cannot  see  how  the  present  League  will 
benefit  labor.  j 

The  present,  for  labor,  is  the  opportunity  of  a  cen- 
tury. It  is  the  end  of  an  epoch.  It  is  the  beginning 
of  a  new  age.  It  is  an  opportunity  that  Labor  will 
not  have  again  in  this  generation. 

Only  Labor  can  benefit  labor.  What  labor  to-day 
wants  is  not  a  League  of  Nations  composed  of  capital- 
ist empires  and  directed  by  barons  and  counts,  bank- 
ers and  railroad  magnates,  but  a  League  of  Socialist 
Republics  organized  on  the  basis  of  the  full  product 
of  work  for  the  worker ;  a  League  of  Socialist  Repub- 
lics in  which  productive  labor  is  made  the  keystone 
of  the  social  structure;  a  League  of  Socialist  Repub- 
lics which  will  make  economic  parasitism  impossible 
and  which  will  make  economic  and  social  opportunities 
equal  for  all. 

30 


FULL  REVISED  COVENANT  OF  LEAGUE  OF 

NATIONS  WITH  CHANGES  FROM 

ORIGINAL  DRAFT  INDICATED 

In  order  to  promote  international  co-operation  and 
to  achieve  international  peace  and  security,  by  the 
acceptance  of  obligations  not  to  resort  to  war,  by  the 
prescription  of  open,  just  and  honorable  relations  be- 
tween nations,  by  the  firm  establishment  of  the  under- 
standings of  international  law  as  to  actual  rule  of 
conduct  among  Governments,  and  by  the  maintenance 
of  justice  and  a  scrupulous  respect  for  all  treaty  ob- 
ligations in  the  dealings  of  organized  peoples  with 
one  another,  the  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  this 
covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

[In  the  original  preamble  the  last  sentence  read, 
"adopt  this  constitution,"  instead  of  "agree  to  this 
covenant."]  

Article  I 

The  original  members  of  the  League  of  Nations 
shall  be  those  of  the  signatories  which  are  named  in 
the  annex  to  this  covenant  and  also  such  of  those 
other  States  named  in  the  annex  as  shall  accede  with- 
out reservation  to  this  covenant.  Such  accessions 
shall  be  affected  by  a  declaration  deposited  with  the 
Secretariat  within  two  months  of  the  coming  into 
force  of  the  covenant.  Notice  thereof  shall  be  sent 
to  all  other  members  of  the  League. 

Any  fully  self-governing  State,  dominion,  or  col- 
ony not  named  in  the  annex,  may  become  a  member  of 
the  League  if  its  admission  is  agreed  by  two-thirds  of 
the  assembly,  provided  that  it  shall  give  effective  guar- 
antees of  its  sincere  intention  to  observe  its  inter- 
national obligations,  and  shall  accept  such  regulations 
as  may  be  prescribed  by  the  League  in  regard  to  its 
military  and  naval  forces  and  armaments. 

Any  member  of  the  League  may,  after  two  years' 
notice  of  its  intention  so  to  do,  withdraw  from  the 
League,  provided  that  all  its  international  obligations 

31 


and  all  its  obligations  under  this  covenant  shall  have 
been  fulfilled  at  the  time  of  its  withdrawal. 

[This  article  is  new,  embodying  with  alterations  and 
additions  the  old  Article  VII.  It  provides  more  spe- 
cifically the  method  of  admitting  new  members,  and 
adds  the  entirely  new  paragraph  providing  for  with- 
drawal from  the  League.  No  mention  of  withdrawal 
was  made  in  the  original  document.] 

Article  II 

The  action  of  the  League  under  this  covenant  shall 
be  affected  through  the  instrumentality  of  an  As- 
sembly and  of  a  Council,  with  a  permanent  Secre- 
tariat. 

[Originally  this  was  a  part  of  Article  I.  It  gives 
the  name  Assembly  to  the  gathering  of  representa- 
tives of  the  members  of  the  League,  formerly  referred 
to  merely  as  ((the  body  of  delegates."'] 

Article  III 

The  Assembly  shall  consist  of  representatives  of  the 
members  of  the  League. 

The  Assembly  shall  meet  at  stated  intervals  and 
from  time  to  time  as  occasion  may  require,  at  the  seat 
of  the  League,  or  at  such  other  place  as  may  be  de- 
cided upon. 

The  Assembly  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with  any 
matter  within  the  sphere  of  action  of  the  League  or 
affecting  the  peace  of  the  world. 

At  meetings  of  the  Assembly  each  member  of  the 
League  shall  have  one  vote,  and  may  have  not  more 
than  three  representatives.. 

[This  embodies  parts  of  the  original  Articles  I,  II, 
and  III,  with  only  minor  changes.  It  refers  to  "mem- 
bers of  the  League"  where  the  term  "high  contracting 
parties"  originally  was  used,  and  this  change  is  fol- 
lowed throughout  the  revised  draft.] 

Article  IV 
The  Council  shall  consist  of  representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  of  the  British  Empire,  of 

32 


France,  of  Italy,  and  of  Japan,  together  with  repre- 
sentatives of  four  other  members  of  the  League. 
These  four  members  of  the  League  shall  be  selected  by 
the  Assembly  from  time  to  time  in  its  discretion. 
Until  the  appointment  of  the  representatives  of  the 
four  members  of  the  League  first  selected  by  the  As- 
sembly, representatives  of  (blank)  shall  be  members 
of  the  Council. 

With  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  Assembly, 
the  Council  may  name  additional  members  of  the 
League  whose  representatives  shall  always  be  mem- 
bers of  the  Council;  the  Council  with  like  approval 
may  increase  the  number  of  members  of  the  League 
to  be  selected  by  the  Assembly  for  representation  to 
the  Council. 

The  Council  shall  meet  from  time  to  time  as  occa- 
sion may  require,  and  at  least  once  a  year,  at  the  seat 
of  the  League,  or  at  such  other  place  as  may  be  de- 
cided upon. 

The  Council  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with  any 
matter  within  the  sphere  of  action  of  the  League  or 
affecting  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Any  member  of  the  League  not  represented  on  the 
Council  shall  be  invited  to  send  a  representative  to 
sit  as  a  member  at  any  meeting  of  the  Council  during 
the  consideration  of  matters  specially  affecting  the 
interests  of  that  member  of  the  League. 

At  meetings  of  the  Council  each  member  of  the 
League  represented  on  the  Council  shall  have  one  vote, 
and  may  have  not  more  than  one  representative. 

[This  embodies  that  part  of  the  original  Article  III 
designating  the  original  members  of  the  Council.  The 
paragraph  providing  for  increase  in  the  membership 
of  the  Council  is  new.] 


Article  V 

Except  where  otherwise  expressly  provided  in  this 
covenant,  decisions  at  any  meeting  of  the  Assembly 

33 


or  of  the  Council  shall  require  the  agreement  of  all 
the  members  of  the  League  represented  at  the  meeting. 
All  matters  of  procedure  at  meetings  of  the  As- 
sembly or  of  the  Council,  the  appointment  of  com- 
mittees to  investigate  particular  matters,  shall  be 
regulated  by  the  Assembly  or  by  the  Council  and 
may  be  decided  by  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
League  represented  at  the  meeting.  The  first  meet- 
ing of  the  Assembly  and  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Council  shall  be  summoned  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America. 

[The  first  paragraph  requiring  unanimous  agree- 
ment in  both  Assembly  and  Council,  except  where 
otherwise  provided,  is  new.  The  other  two  para- 
graphs originally  were  included  in  Article  IV.] 


Article  VI 

The  permanent  Secretariat  shall  be  established  at 
the  seat  of  the  League.  The  Secretariat  shall  com- 
prise a  Secretary  General  and  such  secretaries  and 
staff  as  may  be  required. 

The  first  Secretary  General  shall  be  the  person 
named  in  the  annex ;  thereafter  the  Secretary  General 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  Council,  with  the  approval 
of  the  majority  of  the  Assembly. 

The  Secretaries  and  the  staff  of  the  Secretariat 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  Secretary  General,  with  the 
v approval  of  the  Council. 

The  Secretary  General  shall  act  in  that  capacity  at 
all  meetings  of  the  Assembly  and  of  the  Council. 

The  expenses  of  the  Secretariat  shall  be  borne  by 
the  members  of  the  League  in  accordance  with  the 
apportionment  of  the  expenses  of  the  International 
Bureau  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union. 

[This  replaces  the  original  Article  V.  In  the  origi- 
nal the  appointment  of  the  First  Secretary  General 
was  left  to  the  Council,  and  approval  of  the  majority 
of  the  Assembly  was  not  required  for  subsequent  ap- 
pointments.] 

Si 


Article  VII 

The  seat  of  the  League  is  established  at  Geneva. 

The  Council  may  at  any  time  decide  that  the  seat 
of  the  League  shall  be  established  elsewhere. 

All  positions  under  or  in  connection  with  the 
League,  including  the  Secretariat,  shall  be  open  equal- 
ly to  men  and  women. 

Eepresentatives  of  the  members  of  the  League  and 
officials  of  the  League,  when  engaged  on  the  business 
of  the  League,  shall  enjoy  diplomatic  privileges  and 
immunities. 

The  buildings  and  other  property  occupied  by  the 
League  or  its  officials,  or  by  representatives  attending 
its  meetings,  shall  be  inviolable. 

[Embodying  parts  of  old  Article  V  and  VI,  this 
article  names  Geneva  instead  of  leaving  the  seat  of 
the  League  to  be  chosen  later,  and  adds  the  provision 
for  changing  the  seat  in  the  future.  The  paragraph 
opening  positions  to  women  equally  with  men  is  new.] 


Article  VIII 

The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to  inter- 
change full  and  frank  information  as  to  the  scale  of 
their  armaments,  their  military  and  naval  programs 
and  the  condition  of  such  of  their  industries  as  are 
adaptable  to  warlike  purposes. 

[This  covers  the  ground  of  the  original  Article 
VIII,  but  is  rewritten  to  make  it  clearer  that  arma- 
ment reduction  plans  must  be  adopted  by  the  nations 
affected  before  they  become  effective.'] 


Article  IX 

A  permanent  commission  shall  be  constituted  to  ad- 
vise the  Council  on  the  execution  of  the  provisions 
of  Articles  I  and  VII  and  on  military  and  naval 
questions  generally. 

[Unchanged  except  for  the  insertion  of  the  words 
"Article  /."] 

35 


Article  X 

The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to  respect 
and  preserve  as  against  external  aggression  the  terri- 
torial integrity  and  existing  political  independence 
of  all  members  of  the  League.  In  case  of  any  such 
aggression  or  in  case  of  any  threat  or  danger  of  such 
aggression,  the  Council  shall  advise  upon  the  means 
by  which  this  obligation  shall  be  fulfilled. 

[Virtually  unchanged.] 

Article  XI 

Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  whether  immediately 
affecting  any  of  the  members  of  the  League  or  not,  is 
hereby  declared  a  matter  of  concern  to  the  whole 
League,  and  the  League  shall  take  any  action  that 
may  be  deemed  wise  and  effectual  to  safeguard  the 
peace  of  nations.  In  case  any  such  emergency  should 
arise,  the  Secretary  General  shall,  on  the  request  of 
any  member  of  the  League,  forthwith  summon  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Council. 

It  is  also  declared  to  be  the  fundamental  right  of 
each  member  of  the  League  to  bring  to  the  attention 
of  the  Assembly  or  of  the  Council  any  circumstance 
whatever  affecting  international  relations  which 
threatens  to  disturb  either  the  peace  or  the  good  un- 
derstanding between  nations  upon  which  peace  de- 
pends. 

[In  the  original  it  was  provided  that  the  "high 
contracting  parties  reserve  the  right  to  take  any  ac- 
tion/' &c,  where  the  revised  draft  reads,  "The 
League  shall  take  any  action."] 


Article  XII 
The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  if  there 
should  arise  between  them  any  dispute  likely  to  lead 
to  a  rupture  they  will  submit  the  matter  either  to 
arbitration  or  an  inquiry  by  the  Council,  and  they 
agree  in  no  case  to  resort  to  war  until  three  months 
after  the  award  by  the  arbitrators  or  the  report  by 
the  Council. 

36 


In  any  case  under  this  article  the  award  of  the 
arbitrators  shall  be  made  within  a  reasonable  time, 
and  the  report  of  the  Council  shall  be  made  within 
six  months  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute. 

[Virtually  unchanged  except  that  some  provisions 
of  the  original  are  eliminated  for  inclusion  in  other 
articles.] 


Article  XIII 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  whenever 
any  dispute  shall  arise  between  them  which  they 
recognize  to  be  suitable  for  submission  to  arbitration 
and  which  cannot  be  satisfactorily  settled  by  diplo- 
macy, they  will  submit  the  whole  subject  matter  to 
arbitration.  Disputes  as  to  the  interpretation  of  a 
treaty,  as  to  any  question  of  international  law,  as  to 
the  existence  of  any  fact,  which,  if  established,  would 
constitute  a  breach  of  any  international  obligation,  or 
as  to  the  extent  and  nature  of  the  reparation  to  be 
made  for  any  such  breach,  are  declared  to  be  among 
those  which  are  generally  suitable  for  submission  to 
arbitration.  For  the  consideration  of  any  such  dis- 
pute the  court  of  arbitration  to  which  the  case  is  re- 
ferred shall  be  the  court  agreed  on  by  the  parties  to 
the  dispute  or  stipulated  in  any  convention  existing 
between  them. 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that  they  will 
carry  out  in  full  good  faith  any  award  that  may  be 
rendered  and  that  they  will  not  resort  to  war  against 
a  member  of  the  League  which  complies  therewith. 
In  the  event  of  any  failure  to  carry  out  such  an 
award,  the  Council  shall  propose  what  steps  should 
be  taken  to  give  effect  thereto. 

[Only  minor  changes  in  language.] 


Article  XIV 

The  Council  shall  formulate  and  submit  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  League  for  adoption  plans  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  permanent  court  of  international  jus- 
tice.    The  court  shall  be  competent  to  hear  and  de- 

37 


termine  any  dispute  of  an  international  character 
which  the  parties  thereto  submit  to  it.  The  court 
may  also  give  an  advisory  opinion  upon  any  dispute 
or  question  referred  to  it  by  the  Council  or  by  the 
Assembly. 

[Unchanged  except  for  the  addition  of  the  last 
sentence.] 


Article  XV 

If  there  should  arise  between  members  of  the 
League  any  dispute  likely  to  lead  to  a  rupture,  which 
is  not  submitted  to  arbitration  as  above,  the  members 
of  the  League  agree  that  they  will  submit  the  matter 
to  the  Council.  Any  party  to  the  dispute  may  effect 
such  submission  by  giving  notice  of  the  existence  of 
the  dispute  to  the  Secretary  General,  who  will  make 
all  necessary  arrangements  for  a  full  investigation 
and  consideration  thereof.  For  this  purpose  the 
parties  to  the  dispute  will  communicate  to  the  Secre- 
tary General,  as  promptly  as  possible,  statements  of 
their  case,  all  the  relevant  facts  and  papers;  the 
Council  may  forthwith  direct  the  publication  thereof. 

The  Council  shall  endeavor  to  effect  a  settlement 
of  any  dispute,  and  if  such  efforts  are  successful,  a 
statement  shall  be  made  public,  giving  such  facts  and 
explanations  regarding  the  dispute  and  terms  of 
settlement  thereof  as  the  Council  may  deem  ap- 
propriate. 

If  the  dispute  is  not  thus  settled,  the  Council  either 
unanimously  or  by  a  majority  vote  shall  make  and 
publish  a  report  containing  a  statement  of  the  facts 
of  the  dispute  and  the  recommendations  which  are 
deemed  just  and  proper  in  regard  thereto. 

Any  members  of  the  League  represented  on  the 
Council  may  make  public  a  statement  of  the  facts  of 
the  dispute  and  of  its  conclusions  regarding  the  same. 

If  a  report  by  the  Council  is  unanimously  agreed  to 
by  the  members  thereof  other  than  the  representa- 
tives of  one  or  more  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  the 
members  of  the  League  agree  that  they  will  not  go  to 

38 


war  with  any  party  to  the  dispute  which  complies 
with  the  recommendations  of  the  report. 

If  the  Council  fails  to  reach  a  report  which  is  unan- 
imously agreed  to  by  the  members  thereof,  other  than 
the  representatives  of  one  or  more  of  the  parties  to 
the  dispute,  the  members  of  the  League  reserve  the 
right  to  take  such  action  as  they  shall  consider  nec- 
essary for  the  maintenance  of  right  and  justice. 

If  the  dispute  between  the  parties  is  claimed  by  one 
of  them,  and  is  found  by  the  Council  to  arise  out  of 
a  matter  which  by  international  law  is  solely  within 
the  domestic  jurisdiction  of  that  party,  the  Council 
shall  so  report,  and  shall  make  no  recommendations 
as  to  its  settlement. 

The  Council  may  in  any  case  under  this  Article 
refer  the  dispute  to  the  Assembly.  The  dispute  shall 
be  so  referred  at  the  request  of  either  party  to  the 
dispute,  provided  that  such  request  be  made  within 
fourteen  days  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute  to 
the  Council. 

In  any  case  referred  to  the  Assembly  all  the  pro- 
visions of  this  article  and  of  Article  XII  relating  to 
the  action  and  powers  of  the  Council  shall  apply  to 
the  action  and  powers  of  the  Assembly,  provided  that 
a  report  made  by  the  Assembly,  if  concurred  in  by 
the  representatives  of  those  members  of  the  League 
represented  on  the  Council  and  of  a  majority  of  the 
other  members  of  the  League,  exclusive  in  each  case 
of  the  representatives  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute, 
shall  have  the  same  force  as  a  report  by  the  Council 
concurred  in  by  all  the  members  thereof  other  than 
the  representatives  of  one  or  more  of  the  parties  to 
the  dispute. 

[The  paragraph  specifically  excluding  matters  of 
"domestic  jurisdiction"  from  action  by  the  Council 
is  new.  In  the  last  sentence  the  words  "if  concurred 
in  by  the  representatives  of  those  members  of  the 
League  represented  on  the  Council,"  &c,  have  been 
added.] 

39 


Article  XVI 

Should  any  member  of  the  League  resort  to  war 
in  disregard  of  its  covenants  under  Articles  XII, 
XIII,  or  XV,  it  shall  ipso  facto  be  deemed  to  have 
committed  an  act  of  war  against  all  other  members 
of  the  League,  which  hereby  undertake  immediately 
to  subject  it  to  the  severance  of  all  trade  or  financial 
relations,  the  prohibition  of  all  intercourse  between 
their  nationals  and  the  nationals  of  the  covenant- 
breaking  State  and  the  prevention  of  all  financial, 
commercial,  or  personal  intercourse  between  the 
nationals  of  the  covenant-breaking  State  and  the 
nationals  of  any  other  State,  whether  a  member  of 
the  League  or  not. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Council  in  such  case  to 
recommend  to  the  several  Governments  concerned 
what  effective  military  or  naval  forces  *the  members 
of  the  League  shall  severally  contribute  to  the  arma- 
ments of  forces  to  be  used  to  protect  the  covenants 
of  the  League. 

The  members  of  the  League  agree,  further,  that 
they  will  mutually  support  one  another  in  the  financial 
and  economic  measures  which  are  taken  under  this 
article,  in  order  to  minimize  the  loss  and  inconvenience 
resulting  from  the  above  measures,  and  that  they  will 
mutually  support  one  another  in  resisting  any  special 
measures  aimed  at  one  of  their  number  by  the  cove- 
nant-breaking State  and  that  they  will  take  the  neces- 
sary steps  to  afford  passage  through  their  territory 
to  the  forces  of  any  of  the  members  of  the  League 
which  are  co-operating  to  protect  the  covenants  of  the 
League. 

Any  member  of  the  League  which  has  violated  any 
covenant  of  the  League  may  be  declared  to  be  no 
longer  a  member  of  the  League  by  a  vote  of  the  Coun- 
cil concurred  in  by  the  representatives  of  all  the  other 
members  of  the  League  represented  thereon. 

[Unchanged  except  for  the  addition  of  the  last 
sentence.] 

40 


Article  XVII 

In  the  event  of  a  dispute  between  a  member  of  the 
League  and  a  State  which  is  not  a  member  of  the 
League,  or  between  States  not  members  of  the  League, 
the  State  or  States  not  members  of  the  League  shall 
be  invited  to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership 
in  the  League  for  the  purpose  of  such  dispute,  upon 
such  conditions  as  the  Council  may  deem  just.  If 
such  invitation  is  accepted,  the  provisions  of  Articles 
XII  to  XVI  inclusive  shall  be  applied  with  such  modi- 
fications as  may  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  Council. 

Upon  such  invitation  being  given,  the  Council  shall 
immediately  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  circum- 
stances of  the  dispute  and  recommend  such  action  as 
may  seem  best  and  most  effectual  in  the  circumstances. 

If  a  State  so  invited  shall  refuse  to  accept  the  obli- 
gations of  membership  in  the  League  for  the  purposes 
of  such  dispute,  and  shall  resort  to  war  against  a 
member  of  the  League,  the  provisions  of  Article  XVI 
shall  be  applicable  as  against  the  State  taking  such 
action. 

If  both  parties  to  the  dispute,  when  so  invited,  re- 
fuse to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership  in  the 
League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute,  the  Council 
may  take  such  measures  and  make  such  recommenda- 
tions as  will  prevent  hostilities  and  will  result  in  the 
settlement  of  the  dispute. 

[Virtually  unchanged.] 


Article  XVIII 

Every  convention  or  international  engagement  en- 
tered into  henceforward  by  any  member  of  the  League 
shall  be  forthwith  registered  with  the  Secretariat, 
and  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  be  published  by  it.  No 
such  treaty  or  international  engagement  shall  be  bind- 
ing until  so  registered. 

[Same  as  original  Article  XXIII.] 

41 


Article  2£IX 

^he  Assembly  may,  from  time  to  time,  advise  the 
reconsideration  by  members  of  the  League  of  treaties 
which  have  become  inapplicable,  and  the  consideration 
of  international  conditions  which  continuance  might 
endanger  the  peace  of  the  world. 

[Virtually  the  same  as  original  Article  XXIV.] 

Article  XX 

The  members  of  the  League  severally  agree  that 
this  covenant  is  accepted  as  abrogating  all  obligations 
or  understandings  inter  se  which  are  inconsistent  with 
the  terms  thereof,  and  solemnly  undertake  that  they 
will  not  hereafter  enter  into  any  engagements  incon- 
sistent with  the  terms  thereof. 

In  case  a  member  of  the  League  shall,  before  be- 
coming a  member  of  the  League,  have  undertaken  any 
obligations  inconsistent  with  the  terms  of  this  cove- 
nant, it  shall  be  the  duty  of  such  member  to  take  im- 
mediate steps  to  procure  its  release  from  such  obliga- 
tions. 

[Virtually  the  same  as  original  Article  XXV.] 


Article  XXI 

Nothing  in  this  covenant  shall  be  deemed  to  affect 
the  validity  of  international  engagements  such  as 
treaties  of  arbitration  or  regional  understandings  like 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  for  securing  the  maintenance  of 
peace. 

[Entirely  new.]  

Article  XXII 

To  those  colonies  and  territories  which  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  late  war  have  ceased  to  be  under  the 
sovereignty  of  the  States  which  formerly  governed 
them,  and  which  are  inhabited  by  peoples  not  yet 
able  to  stand  by  themselves  under  the  strenuous  con- 
ditions of  the  modern  world,  there  should  be  applied 

42 


the  principle  that  the  well  being  and  development  of 
such  peoples  form  a  sacred  trust  of  civilization,  and 
that  securities  for  the  performance  of  this  trust  should 
be  embodied  in  this  covenant. 

The  best  method  of  giving  practicable  effect  to  this 
principle  is  that  the  tutelage  of  such  peoples  be  en- 
trusted to  advanced  nations  who,  by  reasons  of  their 
resources,  their  experience,  or  their  geographical  po- 
sition, can  best  undertake  this  responsibility,  and  who 
are  willing  to  accept  it,  and  that  this  tutelage  should 
be  exercised  by  them  as  mandataries  on  behalf  of  the 
League. 

The  character  of  the  mandate  must  differ  according 
to  the  stage  of  development  of  the  people,  the  ge- 
ographical situation  of  the  territory,  its  economic 
condition  and  other  similar  circumstances.  Certain 
communities  formerly  belonging  to  the  Turkish  Em- 
pire have  reached  a  stage  of  development  where  their 
existence  as  independent  nations  can  be  provisionally 
recognized  subject  to  the  rendering  of  administrative 
advice  and  assistance  by  a  mandatary  until  such  time 
as  they  are  able  to  stand  alone.  The  wishes  of  these 
communities  must  be  a  principal  consideration  in  the 
selection  of  the  mandatary. 

Other  peoples,  especially  those  of  Central  Africa, 
are  at  such  a  stage  that  the  mandatary  must  be  re- 
sponsible for  the  administration  of  the  territory  under 
conditions  which  will  guarantee  freedom  of  conscience 
or  religion  subject  only  to  the  maintenance  of  public 
order  and  morals,  the  prohibition  of  abuses  such  as  the 
slave  trade,  the  arms  traffic,  and  the  liquor  traffic  and 
the  prevention  of  the  establishment  of  fortifications 
or  military  and  naval  bases  and  of  military  training 
of  the  natives  for  other  than  police  purposes,  and  the 
defense  of  territory,  and  will  also  secure  equal  oppor- 
tunities for  the  trade  and  commerce  of  other  members 
of  the  League. 

There  are  territories,  such  as  Southwest  Africa  and 
certain  of  the  South  Pacific  islands,  which,  owing  to 
the  sparseness  of  their  population  or  their  small  size 

43 


or  their  remoteness  from  the  centres  of  civilization  or 
their  geographical  contiguity  to  the  territory  of  the 
mandatary  and  other  circumstances  can  be  best  ad- 
ministered under  the  laws  of  the  mandatary  as  in- 
tegral portions  of  its  territory,  subject  to  the  safe- 
guards above  mentioned  in  the  interests  of  the  in- 
digenous population.  In  every  case  of  mandate,  the 
mandatary  shall  render  to  the  Council  an  annual  re- 
port in  reference  to  the  territory  committed  to  its 
charge. 

The  degree  of  authority,  control,  or  administration 
to  be  exercised  by  the  mandatary,  if  not  previously 
agreed  upon  by  the  members  of  the  League,  shall  be 
explicitly  defined  in  each  case  by  the  Council. 

A  permanent  commission  shall  be  constituted  to 
receive  and  examine  the  annual  reports  of  the  man- 
dataries and  to  advise  the  Council  on  all  matters  re- 
lating to  the  observance  of  the  mandates. 

[This  is  the  original  Article  XIX,  virtually  un- 
changed, except  for  the  insertion  of  the  words,  "and 
who  are  willing  to  accept/'  in  describing  nations  to 
be  given  mandatories.] 


Article  XXIII 

Subject  to  and  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of 
international  conventions  existing  or  hereafter  to  be 
agreed  upon,  the  members  of  the  League  (a)  will 
endeavor  to  secure  and  maintain  fair  and  humane  con- 
ditions of  labor  for  men,  women,  and  children,  both 
in  their  own  countries  and  in  all  countries  to  which 
their  commercial  and  industrial  relations  extend,  and 
for  that  purpose  will  establish  and  maintain  the  neces- 
sary international  organizations;  (b)  undertake  to 
secure  just  treatment  of  the  native  inhabitants  of 
territories  under  their  control;  (c)  will  entrust  the 
League  with  the  general  supervision  over  the  execu- 
tion of  agreements  with  regard  to  the  traffic  in  women 
and  children,   and  the   traffic  in   opium   and   other 

44 


dangerous  drugs;  (d)  will  entrust  the  League  with 
the  general  supervision  of  the  trade  in  arms  and  am- 
munition with  the  countries  in  which  the  control  to 
this  traffic  is  necessary  in  the  common  interest;  (e) 
will  make  provision  to  secure  and  maintain  freedom 
of  communication  and  of  transit  and  equitable  treat- 
ment for  the  commerce  of  all  members  of  the  League. 
In  this  connection  the  special  necessities  of  the  re- 
gions devastated  during  the  war  of  1914-1918  shall 
be  in  mind ;  (f )  will  endeavor  to  take  steps  in  matters 
of  international  concern  for  the  prevention  and  con- 
trol of  disease. 

[This  replaces  the  original  Article  XX,  and  em- 
bodies parts  of  the  original  Articles  XVIII  and  XXI. 
It  eliminates  a  specific  provision  formerly  made  for  a 
bureau  of  labor  and  adds  the  clauses  (b)  a/nd  (c).] 


ARTICLE  XXIV 

There  shall  be  placed  under  the  direction  of  the 
League  all  international  bureaus  already  established 
by  general  treaties  if  the  parties  to  such  treaties  con- 
sent. All  such  international  bureaus  and  all  com- 
missions for  the  regulation  of  matters  of  international 
interest  hereafter  constituted  shall  be  placed  under 
the  direction  of  the  League. 

In  all  matters  of  international  interest  which  are 
regulated  by  general  conventions,  but  which  are  not 
placed  under  the  control  of  international  bureaus  or 
commissions,  the  Secretariat  of  the  League  shall,  sub- 
ject to  the  consent  of  the  Council  and  if  desired  by 
the  parties,  collect  and  distribute  all  relevant  infor- 
mation and  shall  render  any  other  assistance  which 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable. 

The  Council  may  include  as  part  of  the  expenses 
of  the  Secretariat  the  expenses  of  any  bureau  or 
commission  which  is  placed  under  the  direction  of 
the  League. 

45 


[Same  as  Article  XXII  in  the  original,  with  the 
matter  after  the  first  two  sentences  added.] 


ARTICLE  XXV 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  to  encourage  and 
promote  the  establishment  and  co-operation  of  duly 
authorized  voluntary  national  Red  Cross  organizations 
having  as  purposes  the  improvement  of  health,  the 
prevention  of  disease  and  the  mitigation  of  suffering 
throughout  the  world. 

[Entirely  new.] 


ARTICLE  XXVI 

Amendments  to  this  covenant  will  take  effect  when 
ratified  by  the  members  of  the  League  whose  repre- 
sentatives compose  the  Council  and  by  a  majority  of 
the  members  of  the  League  whose  representatives  com- 
pose the  Assembly. 

Such  amendment  shall  [not?]  bind  any  member  of 
the  League  which  signifies  its  dissent  therefrom,  but 
in  that  case  it  shall  cease  to  be  a  member  of  the 
League. 

[Same  as  the  original,  except  that  a  majority  of  the 
League  instead  of  three-fourths  is  required  for  rati- 
fication  of  amendments,  with  the  last  sentence  added.] 


ANNEX  TO  THE  COVENANT 

I.  Original  members  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Signatories  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace: 

United  States  of  America,  Belgium,  Bolivia,  Brazil, 
British  Empire,  Canada,  Australia,  South  Africa, 
New  South  Wales,  India,  China,  Cuba,  Czechoslovakia, 

46 


Ecuador,  France,  Greece,  Guatemala,  Haiti,  Hedjaa, 
Honduras,  Italy,  Japan,  Liberia,  Nicaragua,  Panama, 
Peru,  Poland,  Portugal,  Rumania,  Serbia,  Siam,  Uru- 
guay. 

States  invited  to  accede  to  the  covenant: 

Argentine  Republic,  Chile,  Colombia,  Denmark, 
Netherlands,  Norway,  Paraguay,  Persia,  Salvador, 
Spain,  Sweden,  Switzerland,  Venezuela. 

II.  First  Secretary  General  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions : 

( ) 

[The  annex  was  not  published  with  the  original 
draft  of  the  covenant,] 


47 


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